Phases of West China Missionary Life Digital Exhibit

Items

• 1911 Revolution in Chengdu
  This event begins with news that the Chengdu Yamen has ordered all missionaries to move inside the city walls. It continues with the Johns' confinement in the Canadian Methodist Mission's new hospital (Sept. 6th - Nov. 17th, 1911) to the various activities around Chengdu on November 25th, 1911, which include the induction of new leadership and Walter and Lottie Small's wedding.
  Title1911 Revolution in Chengdu

  DescriptionThis event begins with news that the Chengdu Yamen has ordered all missionaries to move inside the city walls. It continues with the Johns' confinement in the Canadian Methodist Mission's new hospital (Sept. 6th - Nov. 17th, 1911) to the various activities around Chengdu on November 25th, 1911, which include the induction of new leadership and Walter and Lottie Small's wedding.

  AbstractIn standard histories of the Chinese Nationalist Revolution, also known as the Xinhai Revolution, the starting point was the Wuchang Uprising of October 10th, 1911. However, in Chengdu, hostilities broke out earlier on September 1st when Sichuanese leaders signed a petition to withhold taxes from the imperial government. These officials and a powerful lobby group called the T'ong Chi Hwei, or Railway League, were in conflict with the central government over who was to build the Hankow-Chengdu railway, foreigners or Chinese. When the government gave the contract to foreigners, riots broke out in Sichuan (5)(3). This case was never settled, and ultimately the Hankow-Chengdu railway had to wait until after the Communist takeover in 1949. John Service, who edited Grace Service’s extensive account of these events, notes that it is unlikely that the Sichuanese leaders really had revolution in mind when they signed the petition. However, they whole-heartedly embraced the cause after the Wuchang Uprising and the success of the revolution mounted (4). The experience of the revolution began for missionaries in Chengdu very dramatically on Sept. 6th when the British Consul in Chengdu ordered all English-speaking missionaries to confine themselves in the new Canadian hospital, whose construction was not yet finished. Work on the hospital had begun in 1907 under Dr. Ewan’s direction. When Ewan was forced to return to Canada due to ill health in the summer of 1911, Dr. Service was put in charge of medical work in Chengdu, and Walter Small was assigned to the building of the hospital. However, Small had barely begun his new assignment when the hospital was converted into a temporary encampment for the missionaries. Walter Small himself was stricken with typhoid fever while confined in the hospital he was to build (1). According to Grace Service, there were 225 missionaries camping out at the hospital (4), while May Carscallen estimated 140 (3). George E. Hartwell gives the conservative estimate at 124 (2), while Lily Hockin reported 105, although she was not personally there because she was stationed in Leshan at the time (1). Part of the variance in numbers derives from the fact that some missionaries were staying at other locations within the large Canadian Methodist Mission compound on Sichengci Street, Chengdu. Another factor is that these missionaries were completely cut off from all communications with the outside world – no postal service, wires or newspapers (4). They also had no contact with other foreigners in Chengdu (1). These missionaries’ isolation can be illustrated by the crisis caused by several of them being caught outside the compound when the Sichuan Governor arrested the leaders of the Railway League on Sept. 7th and closed the city gates on Sept. 8th. These were Charlie Carscallen of the Canadian Methodist Mission, as well as Dr. Joseph and Mrs. Helena Taylor and Elrick Williams of the American Methodist Episcopal Mission (4). The Governor could not assure protection for any foreigners outside the city gates, and also refused to help them get back in. Acting against the Consul’s advice, Bob Service (of the YMCA) and several others concocted a scheme to bring them into the city by a rope over the city wall. First, they lowered two Chinese servants over the wall with a note for the stranded missionaries, who were found having dinner in one of their homes at the West China Union University. Then, under cover of night in the worst rain storm of the year, the four missionaries and two Chinese men made their way from the campus to the city where they were dragged up over the 50 foot wall to rejoin their families after 36 hours of uncertainty (1)(3)(4). Grace Service gives insightful details of the missionaries’ lifestyle within the half-built hospital: “The outlook at the Canadian hospital was anything but cheerful. The building was not entirely completed; it was still surrounded by debris from the construction. The rooms were dusty, few windows were glazed, there were no stair railings, most doors were hung but lacked knobs and latches. Scores of foreigners were milling about, trying to decide what to do. It was noisy and disturbing. No naps for children were possible, so the plaints of many weary youngsters were added to the clamor echoing through the empty halls” (4). Soon the missionaries organized church services and committees to oversee security and supplies, as well as entertainment including bridge and tennis matches (1)(3)(4). Rumors of fighting and looting came in regularly, but there was no way of knowing what was really going on. The security guards would climb out onto the roof to watch for bombings and other violence. As Grace Service reported: “Life and death visited our little concentration camp. There were three births; one child died; several people had severe illnesses; and one or two engagements came about. Some left the hospital with warmer feelings toward hitherto casual acquaintances; a few had broken friendships to sadden memories of our days together” (4). After ten weeks in confinement, on November 17th, the missionaries were told they could leave the hospital. The adventure was not over, however. Soon after moving back to their own homes in Chengdu and on the West China Union University campus, Walter Small and Lottie Lawson made arrangements for their wedding. Taking no chances that no further political developments could come between them, they scheduled the wedding for November 25th, 1911, in Chengdu. Their romance had been percolating for several years, but it flourished while Lottie nursed Walter through typhoid fever in the hospital. Walter had been appointed to the Canadian Methodist Mission with the anticipation that he would be married upon leaving for China. However, his engagement fell through and he found himself going to China single (6). Acutely aware of the problem of female missionaries trained by the Women’s Missionary Society defecting to marry male missionaries, Lottie had held out from marriage to put in service to the WMS. But now was the time. The Small’s couldn’t have been more prescient. The same day as their wedding, a proclamation was posted on city walls and news spread around that Chengdu had fallen to the revolutionaries. Swarms of soldiers, mercenaries and bandits looted the banks and shops of Chengdu (7). Two days later the president of the Railway League, Pu Tien-chun, was sworn in as Governor of Sichuan (1)(4). However, when he was unable to control the marauding bands, the position of foreigners was uncertain at best. Finally, it appeared dire after the former Imperial Governor of Sichuan, Chao Erh-feng, had been executed (7). Not long after, on December 2nd, 1911, a large party of 31 Canadians departed Chengdu for the coast. The Johns were likely among them. Four days later, a party of American Methodists also evacuated. By December 7th, it was clear that all missionaries must go and even the most steadfast men began making arrangements to leave (4). On December 9th, the top two leadership positions in the new Sichuan government were taken by Grand Masters of the Gown Brotherhood, and chapters of that society took over local affairs. As Consul-General G. A. Combe observed over a decade later, “It was the beginning of the government of Szechuan by the Szechuanese for the Szechuanese” (7). For the continuation of the evacuated missionaries’ story, see the Nationalist Revolution Evacuation, 1911-1912 Event record.

  Spatial CoverageChengdu, Sichuan (30.658799, 104.069888)
• 1941 Graham's Giant Panda Hunt
  After the death in the Bronx Zoo of Pandora and Pan in 1941 and 1940, respectively, officials at the zoo began to search for another pair of Giant Pandas to replace them. On June 17, 1941, Dr. Frank Price, on behalf of the Chinese government, asked David Crockett Graham to procure them. As the first diplomatic gift of pandas from the ruling party of China to a foreign nation, Madame Chiang Kai-shek (Soong Mei-ling) presented them to the American people as a symbol of solidarity between the two nations.
  Title1941 Graham's Giant Panda Hunt

  DescriptionAfter the death in the Bronx Zoo of Pandora and Pan in 1941 and 1940, respectively, officials at the zoo began to search for another pair of Giant Pandas to replace them. On June 17, 1941, Dr. Frank Price, on behalf of the Chinese government, asked David Crockett Graham to procure them. As the first diplomatic gift of pandas from the ruling party of China to a foreign nation, Madame Chiang Kai-shek (Soong Mei-ling) presented them to the American people as a symbol of solidarity between the two nations.

  AbstractAfter the death in the Bronx Zoo of Pandora and Pan in 1941 and 1940, respectively, officials at the zoo began to search for another pair of Giant Pandas to replace them. On June 17, 1941, Dr. Frank Price, on behalf of the Chinese government, asked David Crockett Graham to procure them (6a; 9). As the first diplomatic gift of pandas from the ruling party of China to a foreign nation, Madame Chiang Kai-shek (Soong Mei-ling) was to present them to the American people to symbolize solidarity between the two nations (8). In particular, the gift was to thank Americans for supporting the United China Relief Campaign, which aided Chinese war orphans who were casualties of the Japanese invasion of China that began in 1937 (1; 8). The request for the pandas came at the most difficult time of year. During summer, Giant Pandas retreat to the highest altitudes. During fall hunters are busy with their crops and animals can easily hide in the dense forest (6a; 9). Additionally, Graham was already engaged by the Chinese government to study modern education and ethnography among the Miao thought to live in the panda region (Graham found Qiang there instead) (6b). However, Graham agreed to do the best he could to secure the Giant Pandas. Right away, he wrote to Den Wei Han asking him to assemble a team of hunters. Den was a Qiang headman, a government postmaster, and a Christian pastor who had formerly helped with Graham's natural science collecting expeditions and had previously secured a live panda for the American Museum of Natural History (5; 6b). By July 23rd, both Graham and Den were in Wei Chow [Weizhou], Sichuan, near panda country (6b). Den hired two teams consisting of members of the local Wa Ssu ethnic group, many of whom had formerly captured pandas before the practice was banned by the Kuomintang government (6b). This first attempt was unsuccessful, however (5; 6a). After Graham returned to Chengdu, the pressure mounted to capture the pandas, since the gift had already been announced in the United States and it was a matter of international diplomacy (6a; 9). On Sept. 10th, 1941, Graham headed back to panda country to renew efforts (5). Setting up base camps at Ts’ao P’o [Caopoxiang], and Wei Chow [Weizhou], Sichuan, Graham and Den hired additional hunters and offered increased rewards for capture. They now had over 70 hunters and 40 hunting dogs in seven teams – the largest panda hunt organized to date (5; 9; 8). Each leading a team of hunters, Graham and Den combed the bamboo forests of the mountainous regions of Sichuan province west of Wenchuan (Miansi) between Songpan (Songpan Xian) in the north and Ninguenfu (Xichang) in the south (9). Back in their Ts’ao P’o camp, Graham and Den received news that a baby panda had been captured by some other hunters and was being held by the headman of a village two mountains away. Den set off to purchase it equipped with a letter from a local Kuomintang official, Magistrate Kang, demanding its sale (5, 9). Mr. Lo, who owned the baby panda, was proud to contribute to this important international mission, and so upon payment handed over the panda to Den (5). Arriving at Wenchuan with a female panda about five or six months old, Den found Graham severely ill with the flu (6a). While in Wenchuan, they learned that one of Den's teams had also secured a live baby Giant Panda, which had already been transported to Chengdu (6a). On Sept. 30th, 1941, Dr. Price met Graham and the panda in Kuanhsien (Dujiangyan) to take them to Chengdu in a truck (5). Arriving in Chengdu that evening, Graham’s wife, Alicia Morey Graham, celebrated the success with a “panda party” at which Mr. and Mrs. Price, as well as over ten West China missionaries met the captive pandas (6c). On Sept. 15th, Graham’s hunters brought a second panda to Chengdu. The pair of pandas stayed at Graham’s home at West China Union University for several more weeks. Graham claims that the famous “Panda Lady,” Ruth Harkness, taught him how to care for baby pandas, which are “ten times as hard to keep alive than human babies” (6a). John Tee Van, a trustee of the Bronx Zoo, stayed with the Grahams and the pandas at Chengdu from Oct. 30th to Nov. 6th, 1941. While the two pandas were staying with the Grahams’ screen porch on the WCUU campus, there were plenty of visitors and good fun to be had. The smaller of the two was “as cute and clever as Pandora was,” while the larger one was surly like Pan had been. David Crockett Graham said of the two: “The male barks at you and scolds you, and will bite and scratch, but the female coaxes you with goo-goo eyes to come and pet her. She has no idea of biting or scratching anyone, but might do so by accident” (11). Then Graham and Tee Van flew to Chongqing where there was a media event on November 9th, 1941 (6c; 8). Madame Chiang and her sister Madame Kung (Soong Ai-ling) participated in a radio broadcast about the gift of pandas to the United States (8). American reporters William Dunn and Annalee Whitmore organized the program. Unfortunately, although the Chongqing radio technicians had prepared for every possible contingency, “atmospheric conditions beyond [their] control” prevented the signal from reaching Manila, from which it was to be relayed to San Francisco (10). No American audiences ever heard it. In a journey that lasted six weeks, Tee Van escorted the panda pair across the ocean after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor dodging Japanese aggression by camouflaging the black and white pandas (1). Leaving San Francisco on Dec. 26th, Tee Van brought them from the west coast to New York City by train (1). On Dec. 30th, 1941, the Chinese consul, Dr. Tsuni-chi Yu, officially presented them to the Bronx Zoo (1). For the Soong sisters, the gift was a plea for continuing American assistance in the war against Japan (8). To representatives of the Bronx Zoo, the pandas represented a continuation of their blockbuster attraction, as well as an extension of scientific study of the species, which was new to the Western world of science at the time (2). They expected the male and female pair to procreate in captivity within six years (1). However, it was to be decades before Chinese scientists succeeded in breeding pandas in captivity (7).

  Spatial CoverageThe following locations track the places that appear in the narrative. Two additional places where David Crockett Graham took photographs are included at the end. His spellings are given first, followed by their contemporary place names in English and Chinese. Wei Chow (Weizhou 威州镇), SichuanChengtu (Chengdu 成都), SichuanTs’ao P’o (Caopoxiang 草坡乡), SichuanWenchuan (Miansi 绵虒), SichuanSongpan (Songpan Xian 松潘), SichuanNinguenfu (Xichang 宁远镇), SichuanKwanhsien (Dujiangyan 都江堰), SichuanChungking (Chongqing 重庆)Kuan-Chai (Baitukan 白土坎村) SichuanLi-Fan (Xuechengzhen 薛城镇), Sichuan